Ethiopian Journal of Strategic and International Affairs (EJSIA)

Alternative Connectivity Initiatives towards Africa and Possible Approaches by Ethiopia to Access into the Pledged Resources

Taye Darskedar — 2025-07-21

Investing in infrastructure has diverse benefits to Ethiopia by easing the transport of goods from place to place and facilitating the movement of people across the country. Its reach to the wider world can also be harnessed by the development of modern infrastructure that connects Ethiopia with its neighbors. Though no one denies the relevance of connectivity in boosting the economy and helping Ethiopia get out of poverty, it is also clear that Ethiopia has apparent infrastructure financial gap to satisfy its needs. Finding out potential financial sources for infrastructure is therefore an essential move for Ethiopia and it is also plausible to solicit fund from the available external sources. This research aims to assess the available funds for connectivity initiatives mainly from the outside source. Three connectivity initiatives from China, EU and Japan were selected for the assessment of financial related concerns. As a case study qualitative research, it identified the Belt and Road Initiative from China, Global Gateway from European Union and Quality Infrastructure from Japan for detail analysis. Data were collected from interview and other secondary sources. In the finding, the first two initiatives from China and EU seem very relevant for the development endeavors of Ethiopia. However, benefiting from China needs long term strategy as there are critical problems at the moment, these include the lack of new infrastructure project lists from the Belt and Road Initiative to Ethiopia and matters related to debt management. There is also a challenge to tap into the fund from EU as there are governance related challenges. The availability of funds on one side and the challenges beforehand on the other side means Ethiopia has to design a short term and long term strategy.

Sudan's Conflict (2023-Present) and Its Implications for Ethiopia

Asrat Gizachew — 2025-07-21

This article analyzes the post-2023 conflict in Sudan by examining how historical legacies, internal ideological divisions, and the competing interests of external actors have impeded the country’s political transition, turning it into a protracted cycle of crises, and explores the broader implications for its immediate neighbor, Ethiopia. To understand the interplay of these factors and their impact, the study adopts a qualitative approach, relying primarily on secondary sources. The study argues that Sudan’s post-2023 conflict stems from internal political divisions driven by the power and economic interests of competing military factions, compounded by substantial external influences. Both the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Force (RSF) have re-strategized the war geographically from east to southwest and instrumented tools from air and ground operations to UAVs (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles). The findings reveals that the conflict has a spillover effect on Ethiopia which ranges from increased border insecurity, refugee influx, arms trafficking to increased presences of insurgents operating along the border. As a result, Ethiopia faces a dilemma: safeguarding its national security while respecting the sovereignty of its unstable neighbor. The study concluded that resolving the conflict requires an integrated and proactive diplomatic approach led by continental and sub-regional institution, with external actors playing a supportive role, aimed at reaching a permanent ceasefire, cessation of hostility, and at the end strengthening civilian forces in the transition to state power.

The Rise of Minilateralism in International Relations: Strategizing Regional Solutions for Regional Problems

K. Aweke Amare — 2025-07-21

This article examines the increasing importance of minilateralism as a more flexible and viable alternative to multilateralism, particularly for developing countries. The paper posits that minilateralism offers a targeted and practical platform for addressing shared challenges and regional crises. Through a comprehensive review of existing literature and an analysis of practical experiences, the findings suggest that multilateral organizations are becoming increasingly hindered by rivalries among global superpowers. The article identifies several key factors contributing to the rise of minilateralism, including economic rivalries, geopolitical shifts, institutional fatigue, and the need for agile diplomacy. Additionally, it underscores the functional significance of minilateralism for continental and regional organizations in fostering inter- and intra-regional partnerships. The study concludes by asserting that minilateralism should not be viewed as a replacement for multilateralism, but rather as a complementary mechanism for advancing regional solutions to regional problems within a fragmented global or regional order.

Ethiopia-U.S. Diplomatic Ties in Post :2018 Diplomatic Rift and Efforts of Reengagement and Normalization

Getachew Anteneh — 2025-07-21

In more than a century old diplomatic relations, Ethiopia and U.S have been through a number of historical trajectories whereby their bilateral diplomatic relations were bourgeoning at times and dwindling at other times. This article aimed to examine the longstanding Ethio-U.S diplomatic ties vis-à-vis the post-2018 diplomatic rifts and the subsequent reengagement and normalization efforts. To address the main objective, the study employed both primary and secondary data obtained through Key Informant Interviews (KIIs), Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and Desk Review. The results of the study showed that the core causes reside in the geopolitical interests of the U.S in the Horn of Africa region (HoA), and the emerging changes thereof that may do harm than good to the strategic interests of the U.S and its allies. The non-core causes, whereas, are related to the two years’ war (2020-2022) blasted between the Ethiopian government and the TPLF, in the country’s north and the subsequent humanitarian atrocities. Even though Ethiopia was able to reengage with the U.S following the Pretoria Peace deal, the U.S has outlined two additional preconditions if the reengagement and normalization efforts have to be realized successfully. First, Ethiopia should allow the UN investigation team to access the humanitarian atrocities committed by the warring parties, even beyond Tigray; second, it has to arrange for a mechanism of transitional justice for the war victims, and thereby to bring about accountability on those who are found to be guilty of committing war crimes. Whatever setbacks appear to challenge the reengagement and normalization efforts, the two nations need to resume their strategic partnership based on mutual interest, for the common good of both countries and the HoA region at large.

Vulnerable South Sudan and its Impact on Ethiopia’s Regional Security Policy

Getachew Henok — 2025-07-21

This article examines the actual and potential issues that determine the contemporary and future interstate relationship between Ethiopia and South Sudan within the context of regional security policy. It also anticipates the future challenges Ethiopia’s regional security policy will face regarding South Sudan. The article adopted qualitative methods of data collection. The key informants were selected by employing non-probability sampling: purposive and snowball sampling techniques. Relevant documents were collected to validate the data obtained from key informant interviews. Primary and secondary sources were consulted to answer the crux of the study. Accordingly, primary data was generated from security officers from the military and the police sectors, military officials, civilians, and intelligence community members. Primary data was also generated from government and non-governmental reports and archival documents. The article argues that South Sudan will remain a litmus test for Ethiopia’s regional security policy in so far as the former cannot escape from its fragility, its vulnerability to Egypt’s foreign policy demarche, and the spillover effect of the insecurity situation of the state on Gambella.

Trajectories and Geopolitical Implications of the Gulf-Horn Interaction

Sufian Suadiq — 2025-07-21

The concept of the "Gulf-Horn Region" is a new framework in geopolitical studies. This emerging concept underscores the growing strategic, economic and political interactions between the two regions. Indeed, the Gulf–Horn interaction spans centuries of close engagement. Seeing from a geopolitical lens, both regions are complex and conflict-prone – often described as 'conflict-oriented'. Theoretically speaking, therefore, any interaction between the two regions needs critical scrutiny. In recent years, Gulf States’ assertiveness in the Horn of Africa has intensified competition over port militarization, securitization, and commercialization. Accordingly, these evolving dynamic developments demand closer investigation to unpack the strategic implications of Gulf-Horn entanglements in an increasingly volatile regional context. For this reason, a study that relied on a combination of both primary and secondary source of data was conducted. Methodologically, the study involved a comprehensive review of both published and unpublished materials, as well as conducting key informant interviews with selected participants. The findings indicated a significant increase in competition among Gulf States for geopolitical, geo-economic, strategic, and ideological interests in the Horn of Africa. This ongoing dynamic has profound implications for regional security, driven by recurring hegemonic cycles of confrontation.

Africa’s Quest for Permanent Membership in the United Nations Security Council

Boyossa Yadeta Tesfaye — 2025-07-21

The United Nations was founded in 1945 on the initiative of the winners of World War II. The General Assembly, Security Council, Economic and Social Council, Trusteeship Council, International Court of Justice, and Secretariat are the organs formed alongside the UN in the same year. It was founded by 51 countries, including Ethiopia, and member countries grew to 193 then after. Although the number of members of the General Assembly has grown from 51 to 193, the number of members of the SC has only increased in 1965, while permanent members have remained at five till now. Thus, numerous countries, including the African group, are attempting to reform the UNSC. This study, therefore, investigated Africa's quest for permanent membership in the UNSC. The study specifically analyzes the position of the five member of the United Nations Security Council in the quest for Africa's permanent membership, and explored the rational for Africa's Quest for Permanent Membership in the UNSC. The study followed a qualitative approach and employed primary data obtained through interview conducted with participants. The findings of the study indicate that the United States and United Kingdom are not supportive of Africa’s membership with veto power; whereas, France supports, while the position of Russia and China is not officially known.