Ethiopian Journal of Strategic and International Affairs (EJSIA) https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia <p>The <strong>Ethiopian</strong> <strong>Journal of Strategic and International Affairs</strong> is particularly interested in papers that link domestic and international political issues and developments with national and regional security concerns and implications, such as political economy, Diplomatic Economy, regional integration, public and digital diplomacy, interstate conflict, weapons proliferation, military modernization, alliance building, defense and foreign policy, arms control, weak states, civil wars, insurgency movements, ethnic violence, economic crisis, social conflicts, democratic change, transnational terrorism, piracy, human security, trans-boundary resources, social welfare analysis and institutional efficiency, migration, climate change, Ethiopia’s Multilateral Engagements with IGAD, African Union and United Nations, Ethiopia’s relations with neighbouring countries, the Middle East and Arab world, Europe and America, and Asian and Pacific countries.</p> Ethiopian Institute of Foreign Affairs en-US Ethiopian Journal of Strategic and International Affairs (EJSIA) 3105-3947 Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates Economic Diplomacy: Trajectory and Trends https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia/article/view/14332 <p>This article examines the trajectory and trends of economic diplomacy <br>between Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) from 2014 to 2023. <br>The study employed concurrent mixed research approach, relying on <br>both qualitative and quantitative data. The findings revealed that <br>Introduction <br>Ethiopia’s economic diplomacy with the UAE transformed from closed <br>treaty-based to flexible strategic partnership. The study also highlights <br>that there is a steady growth in trade relations between the UAE and <br>Ethiopia though the latter experienced negative trade balance. Although <br>the investment is one sided only from the UAE, it is rapidly growing with <br>annualized growth rate of 29.7% Moreover, Ethiopia is the leading <br>recipient of the UAE aid in the Horn of Africa followed by Sudan and <br>Somalia. Using the theory of state craft, the study concludes that the UAE <br>uses trade incentives, investment and aid as tools of foreign policy <br>influence while Ethiopia leverages the partnership for economic <br>resilience and strategic autonomy</p> Mohammed Seid Copyright (c) 2026 2026-11-03 2026-11-03 3 1 1 18 10.63990/ejsia.v3i1.14332 Algorithmic Statecraft: Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Ethiopian Diplomacy https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia/article/view/14333 <p>The advent of artificial intelligence (AI) is fundamentally transforming the <br>landscape of international relations and diplomatic practice worldwide. <br>This article explores the concept of algorithmic statecraft and its potential <br>implications for Ethiopian diplomacy in an increasingly digitalized global <br>order. Through a comprehensive analysis of AI applications in foreign <br>policy, this study examines how Ethiopia can leverage algorithmic tools to <br>enhance its diplomatic capabilities, strengthen regional leadership, and <br>advance national interests on the global stage. The research identifies key <br>opportunities in areas such as predictive analytics for conflict prevention, <br>automated diplomatic communication, data-driven negotiation support, <br>and enhanced public diplomacy through AI powered platforms. While <br>acknowledging significant benefits including improved decision-making <br>efficiency, cost reduction, and expanded diplomatic reach, the article also <br>addresses critical challenges such as technological dependencies, ethical <br>concerns, cybersecurity risks, and the digital divide. Methodologically, the <br>article employs a qualitative, interpretive policy analysis combining a single<br>country case study (Ethiopia) with a structured comparison of foreign<br>ministry AI adoption across three categories: Leaders, Adopters, and <br>Observers. The methods are documentary analysis, thematic coding, and <br>structured comparative mapping, with findings triangulated across source <br>categories. The findings suggest that while algorithmic statecraft presents <br>transformative opportunities for Ethiopian foreign policy, success requires <br>careful navigation of technical, ethical, and geopolitical complexities. This <br>research contributes to the emerging discourse on AI in international <br>relations from an African perspective and offers practical insights for <br>policymakers seeking to modernize diplomatic practice in the digital age.</p> Memar Ayalew Copyright (c) 2026 2026-11-03 2026-11-03 3 1 19 50 10.63990/ejsia.v3i1.14333 Turkish Mediation Diplomacy: Institutional Mechanisms, Track Records and the Ankara Process https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia/article/view/14335 <p>Türkiye has become a prominent player in mediation diplomacy since <br>2003, as the Justice and Development Party (AKP) have prioritized <br>mediation engagements across the world, leveraging it as a strategic <br>instrument of Turkish foreign policy. In this regard, the present paper <br>examines the implications of Turkish mediation diplomacy, with a <br>particular focus on the Ankara process that deescalated tension between <br>Ethiopia and Somaliland over the Ethiopia-Somaliland 2024 <br>Memorandum of Understanding. The paper relied on an explanatory <br>qualitative research design, employing a combination of primary and <br>secondary data sources. The findings revealed that Turkish mediation <br>efforts have yielded notable successes despite persistent challenges. <br>Türkiye played a pivotal role in de-escalating tensions between Ethiopia <br>and Somalia following the Ankara declaration. By facilitating dialogue <br>and bringing Ethiopia and Somalia to the negotiation table, Ankara <br>declaration has had the potential to counter Egypt’s calculated <br>subversive maneuvers aimed at undermining Ethiopia’s national <br>interests. Consequently, the future of the Egyptian–Eritrean–Somali <br>alliance appears increasingly uncertain, and the recent strain between <br>Ethiopia and Somalia has notably eased</p> Suadiq Sufian Copyright (c) 2026 2026-11-03 2026-11-03 3 1 51 60 10.63990/ejsia.v3i1.14335 Ethiopia's Diplomatic Hurdles with Gulf Countries: Trends, Factors and Implications on Regional Security Dynamics https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia/article/view/14334 <p>This research analyses Ethiopia’s diplomatic challenges with the Gulf States in the <br>context of the Red Sea’s rising strategic importance. Using qualitative methods—<br>including expert interviews and the review and analysis of policy documents—the <br>study examines the underlying causes of diplomatic hurdle in these relations. Key <br>sources of tension include historical rivalries, religious influences, economic <br>competition, and disputes over water security, divergent political outlooks, and the <br>role of external actors. In the contemporary period, these factors are compounded <br>by new pressures. Ethiopia’s strained relations with Eritrea affect its access to <br>regional maritime networks, while Gulf investments in agriculture, energy and <br>infrastructure create both opportunities and concerns regarding sovereignty and <br>equitable resource distribution. The construction of the Grand Ethiopian <br>Renaissance Dam (GERD) has further intensified water-security anxieties across <br>the Nile Basin, despite Addis Ababa’s assurances. Likewise, intensifying global <br>rivalries in the Red Sea have contributed to proxy conflicts and heightened <br>maritime security risks and limiting Ethiopia’s strategic choices. The study argues <br>that Ethiopia should pursue a proactive but carefully balanced diplomatic <br>approach toward the Gulf States. By addressing historical factors, managing <br>regional economic interests and engaging effectively in collective security <br>initiatives, Ethiopia can protect its national interests while contributing to resilient <br>stability in the Horn of Africa and the broader Red Sea region.</p> Yitina Gebre Copyright (c) 2026 2026-11-03 2026-11-03 3 1 61 78 10.63990/ejsia.v3i1.14334 The Role of the United Nations and African Union in Promoting International Peace and Security: A Liberal Perspective https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia/article/view/14336 <p>Which theory of IR would explain the role and aspiration of the United <br>Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) in promoting peace and <br>security in Africa? Although this question is difficult to answer and no <br>Introduction <br>single theory can fully capture the complexities surrounding the issue, <br>this article contends that liberal ideas have profoundly influenced the <br>creation of the UN and the AU and their roles in international and <br>regional peace and security. To that purpose, this article adopts a <br>qualitative critical literature review method in which thematically and <br>contextually analyzed material illustrates how liberalism molded the <br>premise and goals of the UN and AU to promote peace and security in <br>Africa. This is tied to UN-led global action, which, when paired with the <br>AU's considerable continental role, illustrates liberalism's impact on their <br>foundation and aspiration, allowing them to cooperate. However, there <br>is a disputed link between the Constitutive Act of the AU and the rules<br>based structure of the UN Charter, which poses special operational <br>challenges due to the global power rivalry regime found not only in the <br>implementation or operationalization of specific policies but also in their <br>design. Despite this, liberalism provides the AU and the UN with an <br>opportunity to invest in progressive cooperation to achieve their <br>respective and joint aspirations, such as the AU Agenda 2063 and the <br>2030 UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which desire a mutual <br>determination for the improvements in human security under a <br>deepened and strong multilateralism context</p> Debela Fituma Mammo Shimellis Hailu Copyright (c) 2026 2026-11-03 2026-11-03 3 1 79 96 10.63990/ejsia.v3i1.14336 The Rationale for the Merger of IGAD and EAC: Its Potential Benefits and Challenges for the Greater Horn https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia/article/view/14337 <p>One of the ubiquitous problems of the African economic integration <br>process is multiple and overlapping memberships in different regional <br>economic communities (RECs). One solution for this is the merger of <br>these RECs into a single, larger entity. This study examined the rationale <br>for the merger of IGAD and EAC as one larger new regional economic <br>community in the greater Horn of Africa and assessed its potential <br>benefits and challenges for the region. Qualitative design was employed, <br>and primary data from policy and research experts and secondary <br>resources were consulted. The study argues that the harmonization may <br>address the two blocs’ weaknesses over the decades of their existence, <br>and combining the focus on peace and security of IGAD with the <br>economic integration achievements of the EAC would allow the new <br>larger single entity to leverage their respective strengths to drive <br>sustainable peace and development, advance regional economic <br>integration, and promote the African Continental Free Trade Area <br>(AfCFTA). It would also create a larger market with a combined GDP and <br>population, attracting increased investments and fostering economic <br>growth. By aligning policies and removing trade barriers, the merged <br>entity could enhance regional trade and create opportunities for <br>businesses to thrive. Besides, the larger entity would help increase the <br>bargaining power of the region and could also lead to more effective <br>responses and resilience-building strategies to migration, climate <br>change, and humanitarian crises the region faces. However, overcoming <br>political rivalries and reconciling different perspectives will be essential <br>to overcoming the challenges ahead. It is suggested that weak <br>institutional organization, political unwillingness, and instability need to <br>be addressed for a successful merger</p> Tesfaye Molla Copyright (c) 2026 2026-11-03 2026-11-03 3 1 97 116 10.63990/ejsia.v3i1.14337 Breaking the Cycle: Rethinking Ethiopia's Relations with Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia/article/view/14338 <p>This article examined the structural sources of national security threats <br>confronting Ethiopia and the evolution of strategic responses across <br>successive regimes. Situated within a volatile regional landscape, <br>Ethiopia contends with persistent challenges emanating from its <br>immediate neighbors—Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan—which have <br>historically served both as direct antagonists and as transit corridors for <br>external adversaries. Drawing on historical analysis and case study <br>research design, this paper argued that Ethiopia's recurring policy <br>challenges stem from a fundamental mismatch between rhetorical <br>commitments to regional cooperation and the strategic realities of a <br>competitive interstate system. The analysis traced the historical dynamics <br>between Ethiopia and the three core states of the Horn, evaluating both <br>historical contentions and subsequent policy countermeasures. The <br>paper is structured in four parts: an introductory framework, three case <br>studies examining Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea respectively, and a <br>concluding synthesis that identified persistent patterns and proposes <br>analytic recalibrations for Ethiopia’s foreign policy.</p> Abdurahman Edao Copyright (c) 2026 2026-11-03 2026-11-03 3 1 117 134 10.63990/ejsia.v3i1.14338 Ethiopia’s Post-2018 Economic Reforms: Implications for Ethiopia’s Foreign Policy Orientation and Practice https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia/article/view/14339 <p>This study investigates the effects of Ethiopia's post-2018 economic <br>reforms on its foreign policy. Using thematic analysis of qualitative data, <br>the study found a substantial relationship between the reforms and shifts <br>in foreign policy. The 2019 economic reform marked a notable shift from <br>a security-dominated to an economic diplomacy focus, particularly <br>evident in Ethiopia's commitment to fostering economic integration with <br>neighbors. These shifts have prompted a re-evaluation of Ethiopia's <br>international engagements for economic improvement and enhanced <br>diplomatic relations. However, challenges remain. Ethiopia needs to <br>establish broader foreign relations to navigate partnerships and manage <br>diverse connections and interests, requiring robust economic diplomacy, <br>especially given ongoing reforms impacting several States. Adjustments <br>in the exchange rate regime, from fixed to floating, are central to the <br>macroeconomic reform. While these adjustments are expected to increase <br>international interest, they necessitate a strategic approach to foreign <br>relations to maximize potential benefits.</p> Haimanot Eshetu Copyright (c) 2026 2026-11-03 2026-11-03 3 1 135 152 10.63990/ejsia.v3i1.14339 Ethiopia's Path to Regional Integration within COMESA: Synergies and Trade-offs https://ejol.aau.edu.et/index.php/ejsia/article/view/14340 <p>Ethiopia has undertaken a range of policy shifts and liberalization <br>measures since the post-2018 political reform period, with the aim of <br>transforming its economic landscape. This study thus examines how <br>Ethiopia's ongoing policy shifts and liberalization measures shape the <br>country's engagement in regional and continental integration frameworks, <br>with a particular emphasis on COMESA. It further explores the tradeoffs <br>that engagement in regional integration frameworks can bring to Ethiopia's <br>economy. Methodologically, the research followed a qualitative approach, <br>using primary and secondary data collected from key informant interviews <br>and various institutional and academic sources. The findings of the study <br>indicate strong policy convergence between recent Ethiopian economic <br>reforms and the COMESA FTA regime across trade policies, industrial <br>development initiatives, financial reform activities, and the energy and <br>infrastructure sectors. Accession to FTAs is found to support economic <br>growth, improve welfare gains, expand market access opportunities, <br>promote domestic and foreign direct investment, foster economic <br>specialization based on comparative and competitive advantage, and <br>enhance economies of scale in some product items. However, Ethiopia’s <br>immediate full accession to regional trade through the COMESA FTA <br>could face vulnerabilities, including unfavorable terms of trade, limited <br>export diversification, tariff revenue loss, and limited private sector <br>competitiveness. The study thus concludes that Ethiopia must begin with <br>a clear and phased strategy to accede to the COMESA FTA, deepen <br>financial reforms to strengthen the interbank foreign exchange <br>convertibility, enhance a regional payment system, and introduce currency <br>swap arrangements with key trade partners of COMESA to reduce <br>dependence on foreign exchange reserves is critical. Additionally <br>developing a private sector strategy oriented toward the regional market, <br>strengthening institutional and regulatory capacity for trade governance, <br>and diversifying export commodities can enhance its effectiveness in free <br>trade arrangements like the COMESA FTA</p> Yalemsew Genetu Copyright (c) 2026 2026-11-03 2026-11-03 3 1 153 177 10.63990/ejsia.v3i1.14340